of the Party of Hitler, the National Socialist German Workers’ Party _nd its General Conceptions by GOTTFRIED FEDER translated by E.T. S. DugdaleThe Programme of the N.S.D.A.P. and its General Conceptions by Gottfried Feder translated by E.T.S. Dugdale 19 32 Published by Frz. Eher Nachf., G.m.b.H., Munich 2 NO.BINDERY = Fs oe JAN 80 1976 Historical Account of the Rise of the N.S.D.A.P. with a Biographical Survey of the Career of Adolf Hitler Adolf Hitler was born on April 20th, 1889, at Braunau on the Inn, a village of the old Bavaria. His father was the orphaned child ofa poor peasant and worked his way up to being a Customs Official. His mother came from a German peasant family. When he was 18 years old he lost his father, and four years later his mother. Adolf Hitler was then a scholar at the Real- schule at Linz on the Danube, after leaving the National School, It had All rights reserved, especially been his father’s wish that he should become an official, but his own desire ria Noe ceuiee ‘was to be an artist. His mother's death obliged him without further delay tion, to earn his own living ‘At 17 years old Hitler went to Vienna, where he aimed to become an architect. Ele earned a living by his own efforts, first asa builder's la~ bourer, mixing the mortar, then as an architect's draughtsman, At 18 years old he was already taking an interest in politics; hte became anti-Marxist, Dut so far took no leading part. From his earliest youth Hitler had been passionately Nationalist, and his hope was to combine the social ex- periences of his working period witit his nationalist convictions, For several ears he lived in Vienna in extreme poverty In 1912 he migrated to Munich, where he was a student. He had never known youthful enjoyments, but ever since the day when he left home with 50 kronen in his pocket, labour and privation had been his lot. In February, 191%, he succeeded in getting tree from the obligation to serve in the Austrian Army. Six months later war broke out. He immediately volunteered for service in the German Army, and obtained, by a direct appeal to King Ludwig of Bavaria, permission to enter a Bavarian regiment as a volunteer for the war. On October 10th, 1914, ‘the new regiment marched forth. On December Ind, 1914, the 25-years old volunteer was awarded the Iron Cross, 2nd Class. In recognition of his bravery in the ateack on the ‘Bayernwald’ and in the other engagements near Wylschaete, he was ordered to take on duty asa despatch-carrier, which demanded especial courage and reliabi= lity, for reports had often to be carried across open ground under heavy fire. This quickly made his name known throughout the regiment beyond the narrow circle of his comrades, oe On October 71h, 1916, he was wounded by a shell splinter. in March, Printed by 1.6. Weid'save Bacharudkerel, tunic 1947, he returned to his regiment, He received several otiier distinctions, 3including a Regiments-Diplom for special bravery in near Fontaines, and finally the Iron Cross, Class 1 On October 14th, 1918 he was severely injured along with many Comrades in his regiment by the Mustard Gas which the British were then using for the first time, and te was temporarily blinded, Wrilst hie ‘was in hospital the Revolution broke out. On this Hitler resolved to become a politician. In 1919 he joined Small party consisting of 6 men and on it He founded the National Socialist German Workers’ Party. He drew up in outline the Programme Of the new movement, and settied its character and aims, the fights th The Nucleus: Seven Men, Jn September, 1919, Adolf Hitler made his first speech to seven men; hhe then addressed audiences of 11, 25, 47; in December 111; in January, 1920, 210, and shortly afterwards 400. On November 14th, 1920, lie spoke at a mass-meeting of 1700. He now organised tie propaganda of the young Party, which after a year’s worl numbered 64 members. A year later — 1920 — it had already reached 3000. Hitler's propagandist activity in Munich was such that he was finally addressing mass-meetings three fimes a week, and on Mondays he carried on a course of instruction. He attacked first and foremost the folly of Versailles, and denied the assertions of the Marxists, the Centre Party, etc. that it was possible to full thet Treaty. He pilloried the slogan of these Parties — “Give up your arms, and the others will also disarm”. He spoke on the assumption that after arms had been given up by us the rest would continue to arm, — if not with their own money, then with the millfons wrung from the completely disarmed German nation. Whilst opposing the propaganda od the S.P.D. and Centre in favour of signing the Treaty, he prophecied that the Rulr would be occupied, whatever we signed. 1921, This year was marked by the foundation of the first local groups at Rosenheim and Landshut. Hitler organised the first body of men to Protect the Party, and began his fight against the Separatist movement in Bavaria. Our leader also addressed @ meeting of over 5000 in the Gircus in Munich, He declared at his meetings that fulfilment of the Treaty would not help, as the S.P.D., Centre and Volkspartel asserted, to build up German Prosperity in peace and quiet, but that the result of that foolish policy was bound to be inflation on a large scale, involving immense injury to Gormian industry, Hitler's assertion that the black-red Government was Planning to de-nationalise the State Railways was declared to be a ‘bare-faced Lie. An attempt at a revolt within the Party was defeated. Hitler drafted the new Constitution of the Party, which gave him dictatorial powers, Social Democracy, which was unable to continue to ignore the name of Hitler, now attempted to get rid of its bug-bear by methods of ferrorism. There were sanguinary collisions at the meetings, in which our leader's iron nerves maintained the upper hand, An invincible body-guard 4 | in the course of them, which thenceforward was named the ment’, wos form Storm Det: 1922. Ist the conquest of Munich was proceeding, the movement was Degioning 10 spresd throughout the rest of Bevan, Hiller rletid al yiriines, by way of compromile. to join “up wit oltier |Darlies’ He) gradually’ destroyed all similar ‘nationalist’ party formations, and made the National Socialist movement supreme over them, In October, 1922, Hitler marched at the head of 800 men to Coburg, nd in twice 24 hours for the first time ulterly crushed the Red Terror Molt i then publicly that we were rushing headlong Adolf Hitler declared then publicly that r fn the direction of inflation, which he had foreseen as the result of the [policy of the biackred coalition. He became Known as the most dangerous fond West Hated enemy of the system. Social Democracy and the Centre Party) ceased defending themselves by argument, and adopted a policy of defamation. a 1d, and thi fi nce was held, and the In January, 1925, the first great Party Conferen , first banners of the Party were consecrated. The Storm Detachment was formally incorporated. ee The Party propaganda was exhaustively studied and improved, Adherents gathered round Hiller in largo numbers, the majority of whom are to-day his stedfast partners in the struggle. The affacks on him were meanwhile pursued with increasing determination; he found himself in prison for the first time on the charge of disturbing the meetings of his adversaries; he was constantly fined. Nevertheless lie never for ane moment ceased fighting against the system. During the summer of 1925 Adolf Hitler proceeded to break down the Re Terror in the majority af the towns in Bavaria; Ratisbon, Hof, Bayreuth, Nurenberg, Fiirth, Ingolstadt, Wiirzburg, Schweinfurt, — often at the cost of Hoodshed in strect fights, in which he defeated the Social-democratic and Communist terrorist bands. : His struggle against the incompetent Government of the Reich was accompanied by bitter accusations. He prophecied the ill-success the Governments feeble resistance in the matter of the Ruhr, and con stant aftacked the stupid policy of on understanding with France, an that of fulfilment. He never failed to point out the necessity of an under~ standing with England and Italy. in November, 1005 ‘oll Wider mide ime attoupy Jo aveninow He system, The rising failed, and Hitler was arrested. 1924, ¢ great Trial took place in Munich in March, 1924. Though found ule oniive toca our lender atuleved overwastaiag moral jaca Hitler's defence influenced the Court to such an extent, and his assumption of sole and exclusive responsibility was so convincing, that the speech of te counsel indicting him turned into a remarkable testimony to his 5honourable motives. The Judge however condemned him to a period of detention. The National Socialist Party suffered by the oss of ‘its leader, Its adversaries were convinced that the movement was done for, and took courage to sign the infamous Dawes Pact, thus deliberately starting the system of the plundering of Germany which was brought to a head in the Young Plan, What a triamph for the Social Democrats and the Centre! ‘The objective of the enslavement of Germany was apparently achieved! In vain Hitler tried through his associates, who were at liberty, to Put up a fight against the Dawes Pact. In vain he made them declare in Public that the assurances of the Centre Party, the S.P.D. and the Volkspartei, that the foreign loans under the Plan would increase national Prosperity, that unemployment would cease, that wages would be raised and taxes reduced, that agriculture would be saved, were merely a de~ ception of the nation, In vain he made them point out that the Dawes Pact was bound to increase poverty, since the interest on the loans would cripple industry, whilst the loans themselves merely served the purpose of fulfilling the financial obligations under the Plan; bankruptcy and unemployment would increase, wages would sink, prices and taxation would rise still further, and’ the farmers would’ be faced with utter tuin and be forced to part with all they possessed. On December 20th Hitler quitted the fortress. 1925. By February 27th, 1925, Adolf Hitler’s call for the re-birth of the Party went forth, and he made his first speech after his imprisonment be~ fore an audience of 4000 persons. The National Socialist movement had been broken up after the events of November 9th, and all its property and money had been confiscated; So that Adolf Hitler now started with nothing in hand to rebuild the Party from its foundations. Vor warts and Germania in Berlin made fun of his efforts and mocked at the “fool whom imprisonment had made 1 Nevertheless the reconstruction of the Party proceeded with great rapidity under Hitler's leadership. The old leaders gathered faithfully round him once more. Hitler stimulated the Party press into fresh activity. By December, 1925, the Party numbered 27,000 members. The Centre and the Social Democrats in alarm decreed that the leader should not speak in public for two years. 1926, June of this year saw the first Conference of the Party since Hitler's imprisonment. The bourgeois world were still convinced that the policy of fulfilment would save Germany and that the Dawes Pact would revive industry. The Marxists were convinced that their domination was unshakable, President von Hindenburg separated from his supporters and marched off with the Centre and S.P.D. The Party carried on the struggle; by the end of the year it numbered 49,000 members, 1927, The order forbidding Hitler to speak in public was withdrawn, since found impossible to enforce it, He addressed! numbers of mass meet ‘ach month saw the Party more and more firmly consolidated, i e roved with greater and greater force tha Hler bod’ been right. The Bayes Pott wes unmased, end {is Se sequences were terrific, The Social Democrats and Centre Party attempt= ei! to save what might be saved by means of lies and abuse. In August Hitler summoned a Party Conference at Nurenberg, which proved a great success. By the end of the year the Party numbered 72,000 members. 4998. Adolf Hitler led iis Party in an intensified assault on the existing, system. National Sodalism was now the inexorable enemy of the de= stroyers of Germany within and without. Hitler directed his attack espe= cially against the senseless ruining of the farmers and middle classes, He propliecied the catastrophe which would fall upon the home markets He declared at hundreds of meetings again and again that the policy of fulfilment was lunacy, and that its consequences would mean death and rin to German industry. The Social Democrats and Centre mocked ani jeored in their attempt to get their revenge. Their lies and abuse were directed at Hitler personally. By the end of the year the membership numbered 108,000, and 12 members of the Party sat in the Reichstag. 1929, Adolf Hitler continued his fight with the existing system with hota) energy. The Press of the Party was perfected, the Storm De= tachment increased, the SS formations strengthened, and the propa= ganda intensified. The doctrines of National Socialism began to penetrate deeply into the national consciousness. On August 4th the second Party Conference took place at Nurenberg on a tremendous scale. Hitler attacked the black-red system with ever in= creasing energy and stood forth without a rival as the most. powerful leader against all that was meant by ‘Democraty’. All attempts to ust. him from the leadership of the Party were crushed. By the end of the year the Party numbered 178,000 members. 1930. The struggle against the Young Plan was in full swing, Hindenburg defended it with energu, asserting thal by it Gertiany Would be saved, that German industry would revive, that unemployment would be stemmed, that the farmers would breathe again, and that it would be possible to lighten taxation. euch ice deerslnea nut ices as urceal eae fatal; Ine prophecied the contrary. His Party proceeded to enlighten the nation amidst severe fighting. The opponents replied with a stream of lies.The Elections to the Reichstag took place on September 14th, 1: The Party polled 6% million votes, and 407 members were eledted, ite internal organisation was stronger than ever, A few minor attempts revolt, promoted from outside, were promptly crushed by Hitler, and those who would not submit unconditionally were expelled, The Centre Party, which had now delivered itself into the hands the SPD. for good or il, began to excite the Church against Hitler Bishops and Priests, belonging to the Centre Party, started a fanatical attack against the National Socialist movement, excommunicated its adherents, and even refused them Christian burial. Hitler held unshakably to his convietion that the Centre spelt ruin for Germany, and continued itis fight against it with even greater determination than before. He pterly ejected any attempt to extort some modification of is opinions By the end of the year the Party numbered 389,000 members, 1951, The fight against the Young Plan continued, The consequences fore- ‘seen by Hitler became a reality, The Government began to administrate by means of emergency mea- sures, thinking thus to save industry. Sharp disputes followed, in. which Adolf Hitler again pointed out the fatal consequences of that policy. In a few months — a few weeks even — he was proved right. Meanwhile numbers of National Socialist newspapers had starded into life, and the central publishing office of the Party had gradually grown to be a vast enterprise. The organisation had become highly efficient, and the Storm Detachment had in course of time reached a high stage of evelopment, Our opponents wallowed in lies, and were allowing orders for goods to be placed in France. , ql By the end of the year 1951 the membership of the Hitler Part aiained to $06,000, a month later to 862,000, and again a month later tc 920,000, On the day of the Election there were something like a million members, and untold millions of supporters at the Polls. The man who was once a poor worker and later a soldier at the front has ‘thus in barely thirteen years bullt op the greatest political Organisation which Germany has ever seen. The sole resources ‘against this man which his oppenenis can employ are lies and defamation, And he has always won so far in spite of all the lies, and this time he has come near to Being elected President of the Reich. 4,198 anyone in the whole history of Germany ever accomplished a similar achievement in twelve years, in face of opposition from Party, high finance, Capital, Press, public opinion, bureaucracy, lies, terrorism, and persecution? ‘This was no sheltered child; from his earliest years he has been a man in the highest sense of the word, relying solely on his own strength, 8 Preface r in 1926 the Council of the Party decided to publish a series Of pamphlets, dealing in a concise form with the fundamental questions wilecting every aspect of political fife in Germany. Our intention was, and Is, to present a consistent and complete picture of the attitude of National Socialism towards thee various tasks of our public life, and of the means by Whicl it hopes to remove its errors and defects. Qur task is therefore to examine exhaustively how it stands, then lo enquire scientifically whence it originated, and finally, with five inspiration, to answer the fateful question, what them? The High aim of these pamphlets is to indicate new methods for the life of the State, for finance and economics: to set on high a ‘rocher de bronze’ In the midst of the chaos, to form a stock of clear knowledge by close study, so that out of it all may emerge a united political will. AM the great Meeting on August Stst, 1927, Adolf Hitler declared tnphatically: “Questions of Programme do not affect the Council of Administration; the Programme is fixed, and I shall never suffer hinges in the principles of the movement, as laid down in its Programme.” With this decisive pronouncement on the part of our Leader I associate myself whole-heartedly, for nothing is more dangerous to the life and striking force of a movement such as ours, than that, as time goes on, its fixed Programme should be subjected to negative criticism, No man who feels that he cannot go the whole way with us in the Jewish question, in our fight against high finance, the Dawes Pact and the Pauperising policy, or in any other questions contained in our Programme, or is inclined to barter the liberty of the German nation through the League Of Nations, the Locarno Pact, by compromise and cowardice, need apply to his place is outside the N.S.D.A.P. We utterly reject the ‘superior pri- vate knowledge’ which such as he are so ready to air in platform oratory and journalistic out-pourings. Aman who agrees fundamentally with our principles may perhaps have scruples abouta few minor details, for we cannot expect evergone to agree absolutely on all questions, especially in an aggressive political movement, It is, however, a different matter when political enemies make mince meat of some one Point by odious misrepresentation quite beside the point, as has indeed happened. In such a case an official commentary is necessary. (See p. 19: Point 17.) We refuse to vary our Programme for reasons of expediency, as other Parties da, to suit so-called altered conditions. We intend to make condi- tions suit our Programme, by mastering them. Ihave been commissioned by Adolf Hitler to issue this series of pamphlets, which are to form the official literature of the Party. I have included the official Manifesto of the Party of March 6tI, 1950; also my reply to ten questions (p. 14 et seq.) set us by the Deutsche Tageszcitung, the leading organ of the Reichslandbund. That news- paper accepted my replies. This is the best and most effe our ill-disposition towards ownershi in Germany. 'e way to dispose of all the lies about and inheritance of landed property1. in the existing fiscal policy, which lays undue burdens on agri~ This is due to Party considerations, and because the Jewish world jw market — which really controls parliamentary democracy in Ger- wishes to destroy German agriculture, since this would place the Human nation, and espectally the working class, at its mercy; 2 In the competition of foreign agriculturists, who work under more le conditions, and who are not hold in check by a policy of tion for German agriculture; In the extravagant profits made by the large wholesale middlemen, NWwiio thrust themselves in between producer and consiimer. 1. Official Party Manifesto on the Position the N.S.D.A.P. with regard to the farming population and Agriculture ‘Munich, March 6, 1990, 4, in the oppressive rates the farmer has to pay for electric power and 1. Importance of the Farming Class and of Agricultur@pmiliol™l manures to concerns mainly run by Jews. for Germany. Phe high taxation cannot be met out of the poor return for labour on hie Wind. The farmer is forced to run info debt and to pay usurious in= Hierest for loans. He sinks deeper and deeper under this tyranny, and in Hie eiud forfeits all that he possesses to the Jew money-lender. The German farming class is being expropriated. ‘The German nation derive a considerable portion of their food fro importation of foreign food-stuffs. Before the world War we managed pay for these imports with our industrial exports, our trade, and o deposits of capital abroad. The outcome of the war put an end fo thi possibility, To-day we are paying for our imported food mostly with the help foreign loans, which drive the German nation deoper and deeper in debt to the international fisanciers who provide credits. If things go on as they| are, the German poeple will become more and more impoverished. The only possibility of escaping trom this thraldom lies in the ability] of Germany to produce essential food stuffs at home. Increased produ by German agriculture is therefore a question of life and death for the German nation. Moreover a country population, economically sound and highly pro: ductive, is essential for our industry, which will in future have more and more to look for openings in the ome market, We also regard the country population as the bearer of the inheritance! of healt, the source of the nation’s youth, and as the back-bone of ita armed strength. i Maintenance of an efficient agricultural class, increasing in numbers as thie general population increases, is an essential plank in the National Socialist platform, because our movement considers the welfare of all our people in the generations to come. 5, In the Reich, as we hope tosee if, the rights of Land sliall be respected and there shall be an Agricultural Policy for Germany. ‘There can be no hope of any sweeping improvement in the conditions lof poverty of the country population, or of a revival of agriculture, as long as the German Government is in fact controlled by the international woneyj-magmates, helped by the pariiamentary-democratic system of go + for these desire to destroy Germany's strength, which is based fon the land. In the new and very different German State, to which we aspire, the farmers and agriculture will receive the consideration which is due to them owing to the fact that they are a main support of a truly fiational German State. From this emerge the following requirements: 4. The tand of Germany, aquired and defended by the German nation, must be at the service of the German nation, as an home and as a means of livelihood. Those who occupy the land must adminster it in this sense. 2. Only members of the German nation may possess land. 4. Land legally acquired by them shall be regarded’ as inheritable property. To the right to hold property, however, is attached the obli- gation to use it in the national interest. Special Coutts shall be appointed to oversee this obligation; titese shall consist of representatives trom all departments of the land-holding class, and one representative of the State, 4. German land may not become an object of financial speculation, (cl. Point 17. p. 19), nor may it provide an unearned income for its owner. It may only be acquired by him who is prepared to cultivate it himself, Therefore the State has a right of preemption on every sale of land. 2. The present-day State's neglect of the Farming class| and of Agriculture, Agricultural production, which in itself is capable of being augmented, Js being handicapped, because the increasing indebtedness of the farmers Prevents their purchasing the mecessifies of cultivation, and because the! fact that farming does not pay removes the inducement to- increase pro-| duction. The reasons why farming are to be sought: to give a sufficient return for the labour! 10 iIt is forbidden to pledge land to private lenders, The necessary lo for cultivation on easy terms will be granted to farmers either by Gations recognised by the State, or by the State itself. 5. Dues will be paid to the State for the use of land according to extent and quality of the property. This tax on land will obviate further taxation of landed property, 6. No hard and fast rule can be laid down as to the amount of cul vation. From the point of view of our population policy we require lary numbers of small and middle-sized farms. Farming on @ large sc however, has a very essential part to play, and, if it preserves a healt relation towards the smaller businesses, it is justifiable. 7. A law of inheritance will be required to prevent sub-division property and an accumulation of debt upon it 8. The State shall have the right of appropriating land, suitable com pensation being granted: (a) when not owned by a member of the nation; (b) when — by a judgment of the Land Courts — it is” held that i owner, by bad farming, is not acting in the national interest; (6) for the purpose of settling independent farmers on it, when th ‘owner is not cultivating it himself; (2) when it is required for special State purposes in the national inter (c.g, communications, national defence), Land acquired illegally (according to German law) may be confiscatet without compensation, 9, It is the duty of the State to colonise land which thas become avail able, by a scheme based on high considerations of a policy of population The land shall be allotted to settlers as a hereditary possession und conditions which shall make a livelihood possible. Settlers shall be selectee by examination as to their civic and professional suitability. Special favou shall be shown to sons of farmers who have not the right to inherit (see § 7) Colonisation of the eastern frontiers 4s of extreme importance. In thi case the mere establishment of farms will not be sufficient, but it will b hecessary to set up market towns in connection with the new brand of industry. This is the only way to provide an opening for making the| ‘smaller farms a paying proposition. It will be the duty of Germany's foreign policy to provide large| spaces for the nourishment and settlement of the growing population of Germany. Vie settlement of prices for agricultural produce must be freed trom Wiki speculation, and a stop must be put to exploitation of the agri- uilinil Interest by the large middlemen, the transfer of whose business H (ujricultural associations must be encouraged by the State. Ht shall be the task of such professional organisations to reduce the Hing) expenses of farmers and increase porduction, (Provision of imple- manures, seed, breeding stock on favourable conditions, impro~ i's, war against vermin, free advice, chemical research, etc.) The shall provide full assistance to the organisations in carrying out Hivir task, In particular the State must insist on a considerable reduction the cost to farmers of artificial manures and electric power. ‘The organisations must also establish the class of farm labourers as fiembers of the farming community by contracts which are just in the woclol sense. Supervision and arbitration in these matters will be the func ion of the State. It must be made possible for good labourers to rise to ke slulus of farm-owners. The much called-for improvement in living con lions and wages of farm labourers will ensue as soon as the general fasiuing situation improves. When these conditions take a turn for the petter, it will be no longer necessary to employ foreign labour on the land, ind this custom will in future be forbidden, 4. The national importance of the farming class requires that the State all promote technical education in agriculture. (Juvenile institut High. schools for agriculture, with very favourable terms for youths alent but no means.) ith | Professional organisations cannot provide all the Ssistance requized by the farming class; only the Olitical movement of the N.S.D.A.P. for German liberty can do this. ‘The country population are poor because the whole German nation is joor, It is an error to imagine that one single class. of workers can es~ sharing the fortunes of the German community as a whole, — and me to make jealousies between town folk and country folk, who are nd togetiier for good or ill, Economic assistance under the present political system cannot produce permanent improvement, for political slavery is at the root our people's joverty, and political methods alone can remove that, The old political Parties, which were, and are, responsible for the ational enslavement, cannot be the leaders on the road to freedom. ‘There are important economic tasks awaiting professional organisations f our future State; even now they can do much preparatory work in that lirection; but for the political struggle of liberation, which is to lay the fouridation of a new economic order, they are not suitable; for that struggle ill have to be fought out from the point of view not of a single profes- jon, but from that of the whole nation. ‘The movement which will carry through the political struggle for liberation to the end is the NS.D.A.. 4. The farming class must be raised economically an educationally. 4. The present poverty of the land population must be at oncel relieved by remissions of taxation and other emergency measures. Furth Indebtedness must be stemmed by reducing the rate of interest on loam: to that of the pre-war period by law, and by summary action agai extortion. 5 2. It must be the State's policy to see to it thet farming be mad to pay. German agriculture must be protected by tariffs, State regulatio of imports, and a scheme of national training. (signed) Adolf Hitler. 12 13The Policy of the N.S.D.A.P. on Ownershi of Landed Property A Reply: by Gottfried Feder, The Deutsche Tageszeitung (No.47) of January 25th, 1 Published a number of questions put to us by the leaders of the Brande burg Landbund. Their main object was to obtain a definition of the attitu of the N.S.D.A.P. towards private ownership of land, inheritance, raising credits, tariffs, price regulation, profit-sharing, and towards questions. general social-political and election-tactical interest. 10. This question was set owing to anxiety — quite unfounded —regarding je possible consequences of prohibiting loans from private capitalists f thie security of the land. Answer. A State, which desires to make agricultural property free join debt, and to rescue the farmers from the claws of professional finan iors — So many farmers having been, as it is, driven from their homes is lie Jows —, a State, which desires to break down the money monopoly Hi capitalism and to abolish the thraldom of interest, is not likely to Atholl the necessary credits nor to charge extortionate interest; on ie contrary, National Socialism intends to assist agriculture to the utmost. WV. “Breaking down the thraldom of interest.” Abolition of unearned in omes, “What is the attitude of the National Socialist Party towards fupital saved or inherited?” Answer. Has any farmer to-day an ‘unearned income’ out of demands ferest, or can any landowner live on money saved from his rents? his means that there is anxiety among certain land-owners who stil have a little capital left, of else there is intentional mis-comprehension norance of that most essential demand of the National So rogramme. i "N.B. We mean literally “breaking down the thraldom of interest”. (0 one will describe small amounts of interest from savings or a mortgage br a government Ioan, as the thraldom of interest, What we mean by is when deliberate inflation has robbed us of all our savings, and the larmer has to pay interest on fresh mortgages and short term credits at fates which ruin him. Those who favour of sticking to the present system of capitalism are galas the true interests of the farmers, and In favour of allowing the and their agents to batten on agriculture for the rest Lwould reler readers to’ my_pamphlets entitled Der Binat auf nationaler und sozialer Grundlage, and Das Programm der NS.D.AP. a In order to allay anxiety with regard to any later arbitrary inter pretation of Point 17 of the Party Programme (see p. 19), the fi question was put in the following words: “Is the N.S.D.A.P. prepared to give a quarantee that it will not s its face against ownership of land.” Answer. National Socialism recognises private ownership as a pri ciple, and places if under State protection. (See p. 30 IL. 8.) It will seek to maintain a healthy combination of all business: small and great, in the economic life of the nation. (See p. 30 Il. 12.) The spirit of the whole Programme proves clearly that Nation Socialism, being a convinced and consistent opponent of Marxism, utter rejects its ruinous central doctrine of general confiscation, and considers Permanent agricultural class to be the best and surest foundation for tl national State, But being also a determined opponent of the great capitalists who aim it is to mobilise for themselves all agricultural values, and to oust thi farmers by means of taxation and interest on loans, National Socialist demands State protection of the farmers against aggression by the bis business interests. We need a strong, healthy class of farmers, free from the thraldor of interest and the tyranny of taxation. v. Our policy as regards taxation states clearly and consistently: To ree the consumer from the burden of indirect taxation, and the producer irom taxes which cramp his business. Does the Party intend to remove import duties? Answer. The Land bund ought to be aware that the National Socialist vote in the Reichstag went absolutely in favour of protective Mduties on agricultural produce, in accotdance with its principle — Pro- lection of the nation’s work in town and country. 1 ‘The second question was addressed to me personally, as having be appointed by Hitler ‘final arbiter of all questions touching the Programme| “What is the attitude of National Socialism towards inheritance Property, and succession duties? Answer. Since it is the mainstay of the national idea, continuity ‘ownership, j. e. inheritance of the land which a man’s forefathers reclaim and cultivated, is a natural consequence. National Socialism therefore re cognises the principle of inheritance, as it does that of ownership of lan It property goes to distant relatives the National Socialist State wil levy a special tax, but in the case of nearer relationship this will be assessi at the rate prevailling at the moment. VL ‘The question of Profit-sharing. : It is impossible here to deal with this wide and difficult subject. In my lweekly journal, Die Flamme, | have described our attitude in detail in In number of articles. 14 15Olir attitude towards the permanent official class is surely a worthy Hi We should not be such whole-hearted admirers of the great King F Miissla if we were against this class, What the Army was abroad, a Wiis, licorruptible official class is for the State at home, Honour and duty Hus! once again become essential qualities in our officials. The kind of Miliilils, who are at the beck and call of the Reds and the Blacks, will in the coming State; such Party wire-pullers have no use honour and duty. The it the National Socialists are against the officials and Hiijend to reduce their pay and do away with pensions, is of the nature ical lie, which has been circulated by the Press of our opponents. On the contrary, we desire to grant to all members of the nation who hive served Germany faithfully all their lives long, a pension of honour Which will relieve them of cares in their old age. It is only thus that wielal assistance. will be freed from the stigma of ‘pauperisation’. We must also refer to the extension of the pension idea to the indepen- dont trades and hand-workers. There is no need fo worry about how we ire {o raise funds for the purpose. When we cease paying thousands of iillions abroad each year, and still more to our own banking houses, a friction of those sums will suffice to pay for Old Age Pensions, _, _ The article in the Deutsche Tageszeitung is misleading, it removes from their context the sentences which it quotes. I pers consider that profit-sharing in the general sense of the capitalist ‘Marxist schools of ideas is not the correct solution. On this subject Programme refers to workers in factories, and there is no point in attemy ing to clear up the question in a pamphlet dealing with agriculture, va. Extension of Old Age Insurance Benefits. “How is it proposed to raise the funds for this purpose?" Answer. There is provision now for Old Age Insurance, but it is many cases insufficient, and is regarded as pauperisation. Once the burd of taxation is removed, and those who are now unemployed but able work are restored to the economic sphere, there will be sufficient means Providing ample Old Age benefits for those who are past work. VEIL, IX, X. __ These are merely questions to do with Party tactics, and not witi principle, Being in opposition against a coalition which has brought nhappin fo Germany, we have naturally now and again to vote with the Commuti (although & whole world divides us from them), just as the Germ National and the Christian National Farmers do, We allow 110 one to dicta fo us where we get our adherents from, but we turn to all — worki bourgeois and farmers — who have a good German heart in theit bodi and are men of good will, and desire to see an end of Parliamen mis-government and the wretched policy of fullilment (of the Pé Treaties). We do not consider that ‘social communication’ with other Par- fies is a proper method of freeing the German nation from Marxism an Parliamentarianism, — for that leads to political bargaining. Nothing buf dictatorial action and detertnined exercise of power can pull Germany o of the mud, ‘The nation wants not fine words, but forcefulness; not bargaining, bu solid work for our poor, down-trodden. nation, Unemployment Assistance and Insurance. It is not, in itself, the affair of the State to support with State funds mien) who are able to work, Our attitude towards the present system of fisistance for those who cannot earn a living has never altered; we have iyvayjs pressed in Parliament for better conditions for the workless. This @ do, not because we think it a right state of things, but because a Jovernment like the present one, whose idiotic foreign and domestic policy fs carried labour, food production and all commerce to the edge of the fbuyss, is in duty bound to let its policy go by the board. A State which is unable to reinstate in the economic world millions of fen who can work, deserves to be swept away; so if it fails financially f meet the problem of assistance to unemployment, we merely shrug our hhoulders. The various attacks on the system of the dole, even if justified when hieyy refer to cases of abuse of this social assistance, fail to. tum us rom the principle we believe in. Granted that, amongst nearly 3,000,000 unemployed there may be 2 or 300,000 notorious scrimshankers who would readily) return to work if the dole were removed — we must not forget hat there remain at least 2¥ million good workers, employés, engineers, Hvclinicians, foremen, clerks, etc. seeking desperately tor work and unable Ko find it. It is owing to the failure of our thoroughly unsound State policy that it is impossible to make eny change in the miserable unemployed Hole Attacks on Religion and the Clergy. We cannot declare too offen that the N.S.D.AP. is not dreaming of Jottucking the Christian religion and its worthy servants. It is the corrupting policy of the Centre and the Bavarian People’s arly which we attack; these lose no opportunity of crying “Church in A full and clear account of the foregoing is given in No. 19 of National Socialist collection — Unser taglich Brot: Basic Ques tions of German Agriculture; by Hermann Schneider, Eoke No. 16, by Dr. Buchner, contains an excellent essay on the meaning ‘and spirit of our economic policy, No. 12, by Colonel Hierl, describes our policy of national defence. 16 a HtDanger” except when they are making common cause with the atti cal, God-denying Social Democracy. Ik is because we have so high and holy an ideal of man’s relation wards his God that we hate to see religion besmirched with the dirt political conflict. » Mi citizens of the State shall be equal as regards rights and duties. WO, lt must be the first duty of each citizen of the State to work with yy inet or with his body. The activities of the individual may not Molt with the interests of the whole, but must proceed within the frame J iw community and be for the general good. We demand therefore: 11, Abolition of incomes unearned by work. 2. The 25 Points ‘The National Socialist German Workers’ Party at a great massmect on February 25th, 1920, in the Hofbréuhous-Festsaal in Munich annount their Programme to the world. In section 2 of the Constitution of our Party this Program declared to be inalterable. Abolition of the Thraldom of interest 10. Im view of the enormous sacrifice of life and property demanded of w vation by every war, personal enrichment due to a war mus De Fegurded as a crime against the nation, We demand therefore ruthless Jeonflscation of all war gains. 15. We demand nationalisation of all businesses which have been up Ko. the present formed into companies (Trusts). i We demand that the profits from wholesale trade shall be bhiared out. 15, We demand extensive development of provision for old age. The Programme ‘The Programme of the German Workers’ Party is limited as to peri ‘The leaders have no intention, once the alms announced in it have be achieved, of setting up fresh ones, merely in order to increase the content of the masses artificially, and so ensure the continued existence 46. We demand creation and maintenance of a healthy middle class, the Party, wie ate, communalisation of wholesale business premises, and th We demand the union of all Germans fo form a Great Germany ogease at a cheap rate to small traders, and that extreme consideration shall the basis of the right of the self-etermination enjoyed by nations. ease at a Cfo all small purveyors to the State, district authorities and 2 We demand equality of rights for the German People in its dealinggpmiller loc with other nations, and abolition of the Peace Treaties of Versailles a 17, We demand land-reform suitable to our national requirements, St. Germain. possing of a law for confiscation without compensation of land for serie demand land and territory (colonies) for the nourishment of oubommiunal purposes; abolition of Interest on land loans, and prevention people and for settling our superfluous population. speciilation in land*. 4, None but members of the nation may be citizens of the State, No We demand ruthless prosecution of those whose activities are inc ‘but those of German blood, whatever their creed, may be members of Jous to the common interest. Sordid criminals against the nation, usurers, nation. No Jew, therefore, may be a member of the nation Sie, must be punished with death, whatever their creed or 5, Anyone who is not a citizen of the State may live in Germany onl f ‘as a guest and must be regarded as being subject to foreign laws. 6. The right of voting on the State's government and legislation to be enjoyed by the citizen of tle State alone, We demand therefore the’ ‘all official appointments, of whatever kind, whether in the Reich, in the country, or in the smaller localities, shall be granted to citizens of State alone. We oppose the corrupting custom of Parliament of filling po: merely with a view to parly considerations, and without reference character or capability. 7, We demand that the State shall make it its first duty to prom the industry and liveliood of citizens of the State. If it not possible nourish the entire population of the State, foreign nationals (non-citi of the State) must be excluded from the Reich. 8, All non-German immigration must be prevented. We demand 1 all non-Germans, who entered Germany subsequent to August 2nd, 191 shall be required forthwith to depart from the Reich. 18 19, We demand that the Roman Law, which serves the material jorid order, shall be replaced by a legal system for all Germany, 29, With the aim of opening to every capable and industrious Germint he possibilty of ligher education and of thus obtaining advancentant, the Lise must consider a thorough re-construction of our national: system State ition, The curriculum of all educafional establishments must be Pe eanto line with the requirements of practical life. Comprehension tic om April 10th, 1928, Adolf Hitler made the following declaration: aor etary te reply to the false Interpretatfon on the part of our opponents Of polit 17 Of the Programme of the N.S.D.A.P. Mee TSB. H-D. admits the prisciple of private property, it is obvious that Fs aie vcoattacation without compensation’ merely Tefers 10 possi (eG Pe: pression ‘cong necessary, land illegally acquired, or not administered Im nctors Were te onal welfare. if is rectea in accordance with natlonel well, It Is Hines With telat imatenee agalast the Jewish companies whi specnlate In land, ‘Mules, April 13, 102. (signed) Hdolt Hitler.i i ¥ 4 {ull discussion at the General Meeting of members on May 22nd, eit he fan an at aig aw) must be the seins! objective, ‘Wis resolved that “This Programme is unalterable”. This does with the first dawn of intelligence in the pupil. ' 2 F ii) Hint every word must stand unchanged, nor that anything ie erence ee ue nae Mp tepen oc develop the Programme 1s 60 fe. protiblied, but : J) will absolute decision and unswerying clarity that the principles oy Zi tite must see to zusing the standard of heath in the Wainy Wiens contained in it may not be tampered with. rotecting mothers and infants, prohibiting chi rf Bodllyeffcietey by alggion uence ear ce ae SM erence He Tee an cna oe ead rte ee Pa ¢ : W Hilden interference with very important — r ie Jong. 8? SUPPOT of elubs engaged in the bodily developmealngoments in pollics, socleiy and economics, very wwelcome — ; polith In the Progratme, no deviation of sentiment. 22. We demand abolition of a paid army and formation of a nati army. 25. We demand legal warfare against conscious political ying its dissemination in the Press. In order to facilitate erestion of ¢ Ger national Press we demand (2) that all editors of newspapers and their assistants, German language, must be members of the nation (b) that special permission from the State shall be necessary befor} non-German newspapers may appear. These are not necessarily printed Adolf Hitler prints its two main points in leaded type: The Common Interest before Self! — the spirit of the Programme, Abolition of the Thraldom of Interest — the core of National Socialism, ‘Once these two points are achieved, it means a victory of the ap- Fonching universalist ordering of society in the ‘true State’ over the the German language; esent-doy separation of State, nation and economics under the cormp- non roi fy) influence of the individualist theory of sodety as now constructed. for contravention of the law shall be suppression of any such newspaper! Pirated gains of bankers and Stock Exchange speculators, is the arena immedi . i r rivate enrichment and for the lowest political’ profiteering; ‘and immediate deportation of the non-German concerned in it, Po ives so thought to lis people, and provides no high moral’ bond of Jf must be forbidden to publish papers which do not conduce to tial, The power of money, most ruthless of all powers, holds absolute tad Merten ote eingemand Legal prosecutfon of all tendencies in aifyntrol, and’ exercises. corrupting, destroying influence on State. nation, GES izratuce of a kind likely to disintegrate our Life a5 a\natlon, aiMimealy) morals, drama, literature, end on all matters of morality, less tte suppression of institutions which militate against the requirementMyuy {6 ostimate. fi rere mmo ded re must of course be no wavering, no drawing back in this giant 24, We demand liberty for all religions denominations in the State¥iniggle: it is either victory or defeat, Fetpe oe ose Her 8 unger to;st and-o nob militate gals the TIMMS c citar veited. view of the seme bedoiprinipie, hie 1 asve en cine cemmian sate 1 my book, Der deutsche Staat auf nationaler undsozialer tsort Ae art ts Such, stands for positive Christianity, but docs not binB ruin diage, (F. Eher Nacht) is not an alteration, but a series of eet tnatter of creed to any particular confession, It combats tiainis which belong together, collected and arranged according to. various Jewish-materialist spirit within us and without us, and is convinced thafolitical economic, finasdal, cultural, aspects of life. our nation can only achieve permanent health from within on the principl ie ae i If those views of mine (see p.22) could be looked on as varying from ‘The Common Interest before Selt. br opposed to the 25 Points, Hiller would never have described my book In his brief pretace as the “catechism of our movement”. Anyone is free 25. That all the fore-going may be realised we demand the creatidffi choose either of the views according to his taste, but if He compares Cte arent Power of the Slate. Unquestioned authority of thane together he will not find them mutually contradictory. Politically centralised Parliament over the entire Reich and its organisation i Nf In order to insure for the future absolute agreement in our demands Sr carrmne Ot, Of Ctambers for classes aid oscipations For te part EAtMem tensed in our Programme, afd fo. guard the movement egalist the States Bt the corned! laws promulgated by the Reich In the variousdiijeys {ely to injure any movement, — ihe “suggestions for improvement Soa te comesleration, ered by professional and amateur critics, grumblers and. know-alls, The leaders of the Party swear to go straight forward — if necessanidolt Hitler, at a conference of all district organisers held at Bamberg on to sacrifice their lives — in securing fulfilment of the foregoing Points. Pobrunry 14th, 1926, formally appointed Gotitried Feder to be the final Munich, February 24th, 1920, lidige of all questions connected with the Programme, employing 20 21Wily Ws departed from business, which is all in the hands of wuies. The producers have surrendered to high finance, Hwalest enemy. The employers in the factories and offices, deep in | Wives to be content with the barest pittance, for all the profits of 8. The Basic Ideas It is our intention in this pamphlet to expose the essential pring of the National Socialist conception of the State as briefly and simp possible, We shall in a later one deal in more detail with the socialogig@llilll Mf) ito the pockets of the impersonal money power in the form of theoretic and spiritual aspects of that. conception. loreal quit dividends. We shall also not attempt to describe the various other poli] lilt People in control are totally unable to stem the chaos. Crushed ‘oii shove by taxation and interest payment, menaced from below by the Hublings of the submerged workers, they have bound themselves blindly fi Stale controlled by Capitalism, whilst the exploiters of the present jos sulfer them to remain in power merely as slavedrivers over the out eWorld arose out of chaos, order out of disorder, organisaliivoiring masses. Their fury Piairected not against’ the luiags (of a Wirxiun, but against the wearers of the Hooked Cross, They forget that, To-day chaos is rampart in the world, — confusion, struggle, hate glone ‘saw the reuei) of German efoto) Spe eae oppression, robbery, cruelty, self-seeking, Brother is estranged fd \! showed how, if taken in time, Germany by her own strength brother. Members of the same nation attack each other, stab a man gpl! restore the balance. aspirations nor those who represent them in the different parties associations — this is a task by itself —, but we set down here merel essential points of our demands. q death simply because he wears a Swastika Cross. They all suffer under tif _/Issociations under every kind of name, reasonable in their basie ideas same burdens, the same privations; yet who ever during these last montig liopeless in the present chaos of public life, are seeking how to produce has heard of Maraist workers attacking or Killing their employers, or thafrder, It is all in vain, for they are not in touch with the nation as a party leaders, or any of the bankers and Stock Exchange blood-suckegjreat social whole. All are merely intent on snatching small advantages Hr theit own caste; bare of any political or economic principle, they ppl) to each political party in turn, They bow to the existing system id kow-tow to the so-called supreme authority. ‘They cost the German nation untold sums in payments to numberless: J yuuisets, uirectors and wite-pallers, but no one of them does the least ood, Iiflation — a criminal measure — robbed all classes, the thrifty, Jiinbers of associations, arfizans of their savings, Some new tax, straight ‘om the green table, destroys the hopes based on years of work. An Hivantage gained after numberless meetings, discussions, deputations o the Govern nt, is usually annulled by to a rise in the cost of ing, rise or a fall in ‘prices. Chaos and lunacy! How can a farmer live under such persecution? how can the worker buy with prices rising all the time? What good their strength to give an appearance of ‘order’ to disorder, political chao It 10 raise the pay of fcials and employés when the index of he Political effeteness. But they set their faces against the National Socialisigp! 0" living continues to rise. They look in. their credulity for help from fiose ‘fanatics, being filled with crazy Tears that the latter might depriag!® State, the State which has caused all the Impoverishment and suppres- them of some of their former privileges and positions, — forgetting thago™ Which is not the ‘Father of the Nation’, but the tyrant and tax- they lost all through the very people from whom they now demand ygollector of the money despotism. share in the political loaves and fishes. So they turn again and again to the olf Parties, say they don't care ‘The industrials, great or small, have but one end in view — yr politics and belong to no Party, and at the same time let the only one longing => cred; only one protest "against taxation, eqageretcne’ Party squabbles go on as before fear and respect only one thing — the banks; they shrug their shoulder Tlie great task which National Socialism has set before it isa over the National Socialist demand for breaking down the thraldom ofelerminat‘on to restore form, to despel the chaos, to set the world, interest. Moh has departed. frome the old dispensations, in order again, and to ‘Their one desire 1s to ‘make debts! The vast irlbule extracted sraggMed tbat order — in the highest Platonic sense loans by the banks, without trouble or labour, they regard as perfe It should be stated here that we regard as ‘Order’ neither the apparent in order, They found parties of economy and vote for the Dawes Lai der of a policed State, nor the robbery of finance hallowed by custom which are the main cause of the heavy taxation. id permitted by law, nor the conspiracies ‘of syndicates, trusts, and other 28 or any of the wholesale profiteers? The sole sacrifice to chaos is good, simple worker. The Marxists have lost their heads and are crowdi to join up with the plunderers of their own class, whilst they turn savage against those who stand ready to rescue it. __ ‘The Nationalist and other Parties are in the Government, or fighting to get into it with those who have destroyed thelr national ideq and lose thereby both hionour and character. The defence associatio are striving to penetrate ‘into the State’ — the State of Severing a Grzesinsky, — pacifists, internationalists and Jews, with whom they belie they can run the government, _ They have gone off their heads! The so-called Rechtskrei fall to see that eagles and snakes, wolves and lambs, mankind and 2 cholera bacillus, cannot join in co-operation, They are putting forth 22organised measures of national betrayal, with @ nation, Not until chaos has been organically, by a Even a band of robbers has ‘order’, prisons have their ‘regula Pini), brought into order and gives place to form, not ‘until a But in the nation, taken as an organic whole, every aspect of our Wilole hias been assembled out of the mass of parts, can the true life shows pain, bondage, suppression, insincerity, and presents a i MR lo ey Coe picture of a struggle of all against all, fn Spann, formerly Rector of Vienna University, has explained Government against people, Party against Party, at the same gilli Itt his book, Der wahre Staat, and in his Gesell- concluding most unnatural alliances, cmplouer ‘ageinat employ Mpepielire the socialogical bases of the present day individualistic: ‘against producer and consumer, landlord against tenant, labourer a ysed to the high ideal of universal order in a State founded on farmer, officials against the public, worker against ‘bourgeoisie’, He principles, ‘ against State, each blindly hitting out at his particular adversary gl We National Socialists coined the phrase, which all men can com- thinking only of his own selfish interests, his advancement and ele! money-bags. No one reflects that the other has a right to live, or i ‘The Community before the Individual pursuit of his own selfish ends means that someone else has to pay fol |i |» only by serving the general interest as a member of the national No one thinks of his neighbour's welfare, or of his higher duties toMMmiinlly) {hat the individual awakes to a higher life, each one in his community. A breathless pursuit after personal gain. Elbow your nélglivy plice, Only so will each one attain to the genuine Socialism, the bour to get on, tramp on his body if you will get anything by it — Wikiymunol feeling, the true life, win consciousness of security, and realise care? That is modern business. fii ouly under the domination of this idea can an organic, national Let us not deceive ourselves, We are in the midst of a great wagivernment arise from the present day system of robbery, and be of change, and it is natural that simple souls, poor wandering spirits, seeggollt to the community, and to each member of the community. Way out of the chaos, seck relief in suicide, or thinks the world dual is @ helpless victim of the forces fighting for fo an end and join in the race after the golden calf and rush ij; his associations are powerless to help him. It is not clearly the whirlpool. “Enjoy while you can — alter us the deluge, | who is the real enemy — the idle profiteer and exploiter. So terrible a blow to the morale of a nation is only possi lM spite of the Marxist ery against capitalism, the pious pronoun- and explicable when the whole intellectual foundation of society lens of the Centre, the complaints of the business world about the Bisien on eivt tiie = aed igi ive (eee GEE AEE ialen of taxation and interest, no one realises the world enemy, the wijice Which overshadows the world, and its representative, the Jewish Personal inter five, — obtainis f Personal interest is the sole incentive, — obtaining edvantages for ssl Soleus een section of the population, — but who dares oppose the power Sala oH ic and Stock Exchange? Capital proclaims its character by growing, Tree a a Le nivary to all experience elsewhere on earth, as it were outside itself ly attempt shortly to show a comparative picture Wijout pains or labour, by means of interest and dividends, and by waxing the difference between the organic errors in the State and politi{eser and more powerful each minute. The devilish principle of lies has economy of to-day and the essence of a National Socialist State, THutoy the deceney of creative labout. present day doctrine is: Soctety is the sum of the individuals : State at its best a convenient aggregation of individuals or associ Break down the thraldom of interest is our war-cry. We may compare tls doctrine of the construction of sociely tol | know that this demand, which underlies every other, is not pro- heap of stones. The only real thing about it is the individual piec@yly understood in its full vast significance even in our own ranks. Very of stone, Its shape is a matier of chance; whether a stone is on toy our speakers, for instance, dare to attack this basic question, though underneath is indifferent. Tite result is neither more nor less than a heafst of them feel how important it is; for one of our Party slogans is of stones. jit capital and the Stock Exchange”, But what the ‘thraldom of By the same simile, the State which answers to our Nationferest’ really is, how it bears on the life of the nation and the indi- Socialist doctrine of sociely and philosophy of the State is the housdlual, how ‘finance’ has enslaved the population, and what the right Speaking mechanically, the house also consists of so many individual brick practical methods are which must be adopted to break it, and what — sand, cement, joists, windows, doors, floors, etc. But any one can s@p results of breaking it would be for the whole population — is suf- that a house, a room, is a higher entity, something new and peculiar anfientiy clear to very few to enable them to explain it in ther own words. complete in itself, more than a mere sum total of bricks heaped togetlie) In his great work, MEIN KAMPF, (Vol I, pp. 224295) Adolf Hitler Any one can understand that a hhouse does not come into being by pilings judicated the vast importance of this question as follows: “As I a number of single parts in a heap, but only by assembling these pargicned to Gottfried Feder’s first lecture on breaking down the thraldom according to a deliberate plan. Jnlerest in June, 1919, I knew at once that this was a theoretic truth 24 25 Later on a further contribution to this series will appear, devotedimmensely important for the future of the German mation . . . 7) ‘against international capital and finance has become the chief the Programme for the German nation’s struggle for independeng liberty.” All serious National Socialists share this conviction, for the s@ of this question implies solution of the Jewish que: than that. Anti-semitism is in a way the foundation of the feeling underly whole movement, Every National Socialist is an anti-semnite, but eve semite need not be a National Socialist. Anti-semitism is negative anti-semite recognises the carrier of the national plague-germ, but dividual Jew and the suce knowledge usually turns into hatred of the the Jews in the life of business, Then in the best event anti-se rises up to help in driving the Jew out of our State and economia The anti-semite does not worry his head about How and What next, If, even after the Jew was driven out, there still remained self-interest before gen interest — and the Jewish banking and credit system, there would still enough bastard Jews, or even ‘normal Germans’ of mixed race as 1 to step into the Jews’ shoes and rage against their own race as ar Jews to-day, and we should perhaps see plenty of ‘anti-semites’ sitf principle of present-day Jewish domination where the Jews once sat, Now National Socialism with ils main demand, Breal Thraldom of Interest, is essentially constructive. It bites deeper, and] consequences are far more all-embracing. Inmy essay, Das Herzstiick unseres Programms, (Nai Jahrbuch, 1927) Party but ourselves can show any counterpart of this one demand, ‘We all know that neither the Left, with their false cry of “D with Capitalism”, nor the Right with their phrases about the Fatherk are capable of starting a new world epoch, for neither the Marxists the reactionaries could alter anything in the nature of our economy would only destroy as the Communisis in Russia do. They are incapabld construction — like the Communists in Russia. What do we mean by Thraldom of Interest? ‘The condition of peoples under the money domination of the fin of the world Jewry. ‘The land-owner is under this thraldom, who has to raise loans finance his farming operations, — loans at such high interest as alm to eat up the results of his labour —, or who is forced to make debts to drag the mortgages after him like so much weight of lead. ‘So is the worker, producing in shops and factories for a pit whilst the shareholder draws dividends and bonuses which he has worked for. So is the earning middle class, whose work goes almost e1 to pay the interest on bank overdrafts, 26 I pointed to the peculiar position that demand gives us a all other Parties and associations. In all our other demands we find sim ‘and parallel aspirations in the Parties of the Right and Left. No il who must earn their bread by mental or bodily work, whilst mall proportion, without labour or trouble, pocket huge Wl OF iieir dividends, speculations and bank shares. We do not Hie Willy savers and small capitalists — though they too owe, W/ iiielr winnings to a false system —, but all their fives long many #04 Hie ouiount of their little interest was taken from them in the form se), 0 that we can easily afford to repay them in their old age Wii ol thelr full earnings, which were taken away. I shall have more i) About this later on. Hh Js the industrial, who has labouriously built up his business, and il I iN course of time into a company. He is no longer a free agent, Hine {6 sutisty the greedy board of directors and his shareholders as | if he does not wish to be squeezed out. Hi) sve all nations that cover their deficits by means of loans. {his (livaldom spells ruin for any nation that hands over to the money ts sovereign tights at home, the control of its ees, of its railways, and of taxation and customs, as Germany has fie by accepting the Dawes Law. aye all else. To-day money, the ‘Servant of business’, has become the for, in fact, the brutal tyrant of labour. Thraldom of interest the real expression for the antagonisms, versus Labour, blood versus money, creative work versus ex- ecessity of breaking this thraldom is of such vast importance ‘Gur fuition and our race, that on it alone depends our nation’s hope ising) up from its shame and slavery; in fact, the hope of recovering is the pivot on which everything turns; it is far more than @ mere sity of financial policy. Whilst its principtes and consequences bite ) into political and economic life, it is a leading question for omic study, and thus affects every single individual and demands a sion Jrom each one: — Service to the nation or unlimited private en- iment. Li means a solution of the Social Question.” {All ‘world-questions’ are capable of being deseribed in one word, which m like a flame out of chaos; at the same time countless prophets and THis canvor exhaust all the questions which arise out of that word, We can say no more at present on this vast basic pt jalism. I have already thrown light on every essential side of the plem in my pamphlets: Das Manifest aur Brechung der heknechtschaft — Munich 1926 (now out of print); Der Htsbankrott, Die Rettung — Jos. C. Huber, Diessen, 1919; fr kommende Stewerstreik — Diessen, 1921; and Der Deut- s Staat auf nationaler und sozialer Grundlage — Bher Nachf., Munich, (all obtainable through the library of our Party junich, Thierschstr, 11). Intensive study is required to master the details of this problem, for practical economics of the last 50 years have followed the capitalistic 27idea so closely, that all who have grown up with it need a Shange of orientation in order to get free from it. A pamphlet on the subject is soon to appear, which will members an explanation on this highly important task of the 3 Hur improvements to be considered $ enone State Mia our sycien of Lae ail have to be nosed fo meet In addition to the two quite novel basic principles of our Py inlij Of fresh institutions; that the scandal of election to Parliament given above, we must mention certain others in connection Ulises suffered by our German artistic and intellectual tife at WF thw Jewish dictatorship, especially through the poisoning of ‘Thon this important domain of public life there are, of course, i Hiwiocratic vote will have to be removed, and that, following the general policy of the State. on period of a Dictatorship, we shall have to decide on the The principle underlying our policy of the State is shortly as e form of the State and the internal functions of the The German Reich is the home of the Germans. It is the great principle for our whole foreign policy, and Germany's political liberation, all the requirements of our racial poli the conditions of membership of the State. Our economic principle is: The duty of the national nomy is to provide the necessities of eandn secure the highest possible Profits for capital. This principle of economic policy embraces a fundamental of National Socialism towards private property, and with regard Various forms of business, from the very small to the very gr Sundicates, Trusts — and ‘also to the great moral questions which be a living force in business, if the ‘nalional economics’ are not to being mere exploitation of the nation and to being run sim Profit! Our principle as regards finance is as follow: Finance shalt exist for the benefit of the State; the fin magnates shall not form a State within the State. This principle involves a seismic change. It concerns the pr he N.S.D.A.P. measures which wil have fo be taken to break the Thraldom of Interelj ‘The Political and Economic Programme of Meee > nationalisation of finance, control of the system of credit, is — Germany's re-birth to German liberty i banking system, Every one of these tasks is of the greatest importance from the : : of lew of our Programme. They involve all tax legislation, Witt ih poliieal principle: The German Reich is the home of ultimate — and seemingly impossible — aim of a State without taxi tiie Germans, Our principle as regards social subjects is as follows: in foreign policy 2 M The enol welfarels duets tise SPRITE 1, Formation of a homogeneous national State, embracing all of AMiviily, however, we can see in this brief outline the vast dimensions lite diieations when set face to face with the tremendous fundamental OL our Programm ts vot Prdemcntal — in fac ts indlferent fo us whether ate te a Wii Or a republic, whether we are to have a federation of 5 or Hilvs, provided only they are all German States combined under a Wij ventral government, when face to face with the foreigner, and Heal only the citizens of the German State at home may live happy and ited. . The Programme Requirements in Detail 8 formulated by Gottiried Feder in Der deutsche Staat. Hi will make for clarity, when enlisting new members, to make use ie Programme in the form which follows, The minor clauses are ranged ore important headings, corresponding to the principles emun- preceding chapter. § means to this aim ar German race, This principle of ours is in direct opposition to present day pr Biivitactic cepresectstion’ of Getlviancinfetests abroad according to which every class, every profession, tries | advantages for i ir ‘i i in racial policy to the general %, Dismissal of all Jews and non-Germans from all responsible dwelling and for all positions in public life, : are or he aged I yoatcc etait on Eee Jone ca eter sea al progress if is our unchange foreigners. Undesirable foreigners and Jews to be deported. that alll work in that direction is to be done from the sole pa) Ini Internal p of view of German nationality. It cannot be by order or by force: § None but Germans who profess entire community with the ‘the moral and intellectual forces of our nation may introduce a spirit and destiny of Germany may exercise the rights of a Renaissance, a new classic epoch in the arts, A stop will have ft citizen of the State. 28 296. He who is not a German may only live in the Gi as a guest and is under foreign law. 7, The rights of Germans shall have the preference over W citizens of foreign nations. U. Our economic principle: The duty of the State isto 7 a the necessaries of life and not to secure the hi Ho political principle: The general welfare is the Pel low of all, paalopment ‘on a large scale of Old Age Insurance by nationa~ ih} He system of annuities. Every member of the German State Hinil_be assured of enough to live upon on attaining a certain “u% oF, Jt permanently disabled, before that age. : 7 *) Participation by all engaged in productive enterprises in the Possible profits for capital. Hirolits according to efficiency and age. Responsibility will also 8, National Socialism recognises private property as a bg shored in fulfilling the task from a national point of view. and protects it by law. 9 Selvure for social purposes of all profits made out of the War 9, The national welfare however demands that a limit | the Revolution, not due to honest work, and of the fortunes set to the amassing of wealth in the hands of individu of isurers and money-grabbers. 10, All Germans form a community for the promotion of the #) Mellet of the shortage of dwellings by extensive fresh con- syaltare ena ertailit es Ee e struction throughout the Reich by the means suggested in No. 20 & 1 new national bank), 11. Within the limits of the obligation of every German to ! oe ! the sanctity of private property being respected, every @our cultural aim is that all the sciences and fine arts 1s free to ear and to dispose of the results of his labounMiy tial] flourish on the basis of a politically free, 12. The healthy combination of all forms of business, smal ono mically healthy State. The means of achieving this large, in every domain of economic life, including’ agriaiwill bi sal Pe sencourayed. 26, 7 the young up to be healthy in body and free in mind, 15. All existing businesses which until now have been in the after the great traditions of German culture. of companies shall be nationalised, 21, Complete liberty of creed and conscience. 14. Usury and profiteering and personal enrichment at the , Special protection for the Christian denominations, and fo the Injury of the nation shall be punished with 4@INgg, Discouragoment of dogmas, which are opposed to German moral 15, Introduction of a year’s obligation to work (for the Instincts and contain matter injurious to the State and the nation, incumbent on every German, 80. Discouragement of all evil influences in the press, in literature, IIL. Our financial principle: Finance shall exist for the aeage, the ee se pire tikes fit of the State; the financial magnates shall 9! Liberty of instruction in the German secondary schools; for- form a State within the State. Hence our aim to mation of a ruling class of high-minded men, the thraldom of interest. Military affairs. 16. Relief of the State, and hence of the nation, from i debtedness to the great financial houses which lend on int4 117. Nationalisation of the Reichsbank and the issuing houses. 18. Provision of money for all great public objects (waterp railroads, etc), not by means of loans, but by granting interest bearing State bonds or without using ready m, 19. Introduction of a fixed standard of currency on a secured 20. Creation of @ national bank of business development ( reform) for granting non-interest bearing toans. 21, Fundamental re-modelling of the system of taxation on economic principles, Relief of the consumer from the bt of indirect taxation, and of the producer from crippling ta) (fiscal reform and relief from taxation). as, 3H, oun 85 80 30 . To make the nation efficient by permitting every free German fo serve and bear arms, Abolition of the paid Army. Creation of a national Army for national defence under the command of a highly trained corps of professional officers. er recommendations. ), Press reform. Suppression of all journals which militate against the national good, Strict responsibility for all untrue and inten- tionally falsified intelligence, ), Modification of the franchise laws so as to cut out the demo~ ralising methods of election contests, and the immunity of those elected. 3151, Formation ot spedial Chinbers for trades end profelll | moterial things, commercial, is chicHly represented by the 38. Judicial reform as regards Aegan awe: = -ceeciisontob tie rights ree ial Socialism, like anti-semitism, regards the Jewish-materialistic Jand as a principle; no right to borrow from priva ii ciel cause of the evil: it knows however that this greatest ees on the security of the land; the State to have f i Wislory must not stop short at merely destroying the semitic ‘of pre-emption, especially in the case of foreigners a Wii is why the great Programme of National Socialism goes far the State to be empowered to administer estates in Wl lilt nti-semitic desire to destroy, for it offers a positive con~ ‘of bad management on the part of the owner. Hiilive pichure, showing how the National Socialist State of labour and Civil Law — grealty increased protecti HOVHNONE CUGht to appear when completed. health, as opposed to the one-sided legal protection night aim is achieved the National Socialist Party will dissolve rights of property, which predominates at the present d ij; for National Socialism will then be the entire life of the 39, State Law reform. i nation, The N.S.D.A.P. is not a political Party in the ordinary The form of State most suitable to the German Gf the word, but is that section of the nation, which is confident is sovereign control united in a central personal powell site Of the future, which has gathered round strong and determined nation must decide later on whether this central palin) (0 deliver Germany from shame and impotence abroad and from power shall be wielded by an elected monarch or a proyiralisution at home, and to make her once again strong and respected Federal character of the Reich, Hil, Gd morally and economically healthy at home. ‘The constitution of the German nation out of a nun countries closely bound together by race and history it necessary that each one of the States shall be very @ sively independent im internal affairs. | It is the affair of the Reich to ‘represent the German abroad, and to provide for passports, customs, also fd ‘Army and Navy. There are three main obstacles to carrying out this national gramme of National Socialism: Marxism, the Parliamentary sust the capitalist magnates, "The German Reich is the home of the German people.” Fivery) word of this principle of State policy is a cut with a lash, when Consider the miserable state of things to-day man Reich’ — where is there a German Reich to-day? Can Wisi) lay claim to be called an independent State? No! Not even the Wuiplucent pundits in State Law could describe a country, such as Hii) 18 HOW, as one in full enjoyment of all its rights of sovereignty. ‘lw five most important rights of a State are: sovereignty over its Nowy, its army, its finances, its internal administration and communi~ trines of the Jew, Karl Marx — that of the class-war which splits fio, tind lastly its justice. Aneto, cletruchany of po vare eepherty Wale malees Dus You haye only to put the matter in this way to any layman without eles eg a ul ase, Ine aSeTOL Secon paG maneralsic rie Wacy xplanation of a nation’s rights under International Law, and 2. Our campaign against parliaments is directed against the I ® it with Germany's position to-day, and it becomes clear that it is responsibility of the so-called representatives of the people, who — Wyaalils to miaintain that @ severeign ‘German Reich’ exists any longer. immune — can never be summoned in practice to answer for the T of their decisions; also against all the evils which arise out of the s (moral corruption, nepotism, venality), all resulting in the final e a government which is dependent on such a parliament, 5. Our campaign against Mammon, which ranks above the other is directed against the world-embracing power of money, i, e. the perp Mlerpretalic f a exploitation of our nation by the great lending houses. i ore then tmlieg a Stale Or are It is also a tremendous struggle against the soul-killing, mate spirit of greed and rapacity with all its disruptive accompani throughout our public, commercial and cultural life. The main battle is one between two sentially differing structures — the spirit which has created a creative and the unquiet, grasping spirit. The creative spirit, deepa but superior to the rest of the world in spiritual experience, is ¢ i ‘without roots any (ir control of our territory is a mockery, for whenever France chooses fn selze upon German land without asking leave and without suffering Wwaiilon. Czechs, Poles, Danes can venture on any inroad into German Hory without fear of hindrance. The ‘accursed old regime’ put a very Po protect its territorial sovereignty a nation needs an armed force lo repelling any attack on its land, and therefore on the lives and sss of its nationals, A free State cannot permit a foreign Power to its actions, or to have the right of deciding the strength, , armaments, garrisons of its Army; if it does, it is certainly } it cannot command its means of power; it has given up (vol Of its military forces. Germany has done this by giving in to the Commissions for Disarmament and Control. ' 33