China-United States Exchange Foundation’s Post

Last week, CUSEF President James Chau welcomed distinguished delegates and leaders from across the globe to the 10th China and Globalization Forum in Beijing. Co-organized by CUSEF and the Center for China and Globalization, the forum convened a diverse array of participants for insightful discussions and roundtable sessions, ranging from topics on rethinking globalization and global governance, to prospects for Sino-US relations, China and the Middle East, and more. “Forces for deglobalization, decoupling, and disengagement are rising everywhere. Protectionism, nationalist populism, and great power competition threaten to unravel the hard-won gains of globalization, and leave humanity exposed. The more we each recede and entrench within our borders, and view others as enemies and adversaries rather than fellow humans, the more we create the very reality we say we fear. This is the world we live in today. Yet at the same time, I am optimistic.,” - James Chau, President of the China-United States Exchange Foundation Read more here: https://bit.ly/3Rbbkdc

Join us tomorrow at 7:00 PM EST. The panels will also reflect on the strategic and policy shifts in Trump 2.0 and Southeast Asia. This edited volume focuses on the changing regional security dynamics of Southeast Asia within the context of the U.S.-China strategic competition in the Indo-Pacific. On the one hand, China’s growing influence and assertive behavior in the South China Sea and the Archipelago region are the main concerns of these countries. On the other hand, Southeast Asian countries are skeptical—if not hesitant—with the formation of new mini-lateral frameworks and emerging institutional cooperation such as the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad) and AUKUS. In this highly competitive strategic environment, these countries prefer to position themselves in a flexible mode of sometimes leaning toward the United States or China based on a nuanced balance of maintaining both strategic autonomy and opportunities that manifest in the region. In line with this flexible mode of engagement, Southeast Asian countries prefer to eschew an explicitly pro-position vis-à-vis the United States or China, cognizant of the turbulence ahead due to the deepening of U.S.–China strategic competition—this, despite the fact that freedom of navigation and a rule-based international order is much desired by Southeast Asian countries to establish and maintain peace and stability in the region. The strategic value of Southeast Asia has much significance to the deepening U.S.–China strategic competition. In this book, chapters examine the behavior, perspectives, and strategy of Southeast Asian countries toward the U.S.–China strategic competition in the Indo-Pacific. #southeast #asia #strategic #competition #China #Free #open #Indopacific

Developing a more coherent model for supporting future leaders is a strong theme of the report "Comprehensive Strategic Partners: ASEAN and Australia after the first 50 years" by Lina Alexandra, Sharon Seah, Kimly Ngoun, PhD and me. As the ASEAN-Australia Special Summit gets started today in Melbourne I have an article in The Conversation Australia + NZ which explores opportunities for next generation leaders in this crucial international partnership. https://lnkd.in/gC94i5Q6

This was a show of power and leadership regarding the ‘Global South’ that aimed to send a message of strength and confidence to the ‘Global North’. But mostly the 11th annual Beijing Xiangshan Forum (BXF) was about putting President Xi Jinping’s framework for reshaping global governance onto the main stage. If it were the US, you might say, ready for prime time.  The Beijing Xiangshan Forum is described as the largest security conference in Asia and this year it focused on Beijing’s mutually reinforcing effort to reshape world order and lead Global South. Without a doubt, the BXF, hosted by China’s Academic of Military Sciences and the China Institute for International Strategic Studies puts China’s agenda front and center and this year that agenda focused on a Shared Community and the initiatives that differentiate China from the US on the global stage. It was my fifth time speaking at the Beijing Xiangshan Forum and the changes were palpable, but certain themes persist. China’s all-encompassing focus on the US remains. At the end of the day, most of China’s international relations and diplomatic affairs come back to its concerns, fears and needs regarding the world’s Superpower, the U.S. But this year, the criticisms were notably muted, both in the choice of plenum speakers (all from the Global South), and the session theme titles such the one where I spoke –“The Right Way for China and the United States to Get Along”. Perhaps this conciliatory tone was due to China’s ongoing weak economic indicators. Or perhaps it was a sign of China feeling more self-assured about its increasingly central place in the world. This year’s BXF highlighted a key shift: the U.S. is no longer the undisputed heavyweight champion it once was, as the challenger gains momentum, both in popularity and influence. Read more: https://lnkd.in/dyJmPTah Photo credit: Beijing Xiangshan Forum

Dr. Li Cheng has consistently offered unparalleled analysis of Chinese politics. His insights, developed over years at the Brookings Institution, informed by his experience in China, and presented through his books, papers, and speeches, are invaluable for anyone seeking deeper understanding. He now leads the Centre on Contemporary China and the World. Check out his thoughts on US-China relations in this SCMP article! #China #US #Asia #Trade #geopolitics

„The new US Strategy for Central Asia 2019-2025 purports to strengthen the sovereignty and independence of the Central Asian states by promoting private-sector engagement and creating a favorable business environment. The participation of Joe Biden in the New York summit of C5+1 was a milestone in the relations between the US and Central Asian republics, which had lacked coordination since the platform’s foundation. The business Forum B5+1 held recently in Almaty demonstrates Washington’s commitment to fostering regional connectivity from within.“ 🇺🇸 How have the United States historically approached their relations with Central Asia? With the current weakening of the Russian authority and political reforms in Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, how will they take advantage of this window of opportunity to bolster Central Asian independence with regard to Moscow and Beijing? Read the full analysis by Otabek Akromov here: https://lnkd.in/d_7CGUY5

https://lnkd.in/gCTtquVY Interesting analysis, but rapprochement is not a valid solution in the face of an aggressive hegemon. 👇👇👇 Biden has been exceptionally striking in declaring that China is America’s ultimate foreign policy threat but hiring no top-level expertise on China. His secretary of state, national security adviser, and CIA director spent their careers on the Middle East and Europe; his secretary of defense on the Middle East. Even Biden’s ambassador to China is a career Middle East and Europe official. His National Security Council Asia czar has no direct experience with China and became famous for demanding disengagement based on the false assertion that US engagement with China presumed engagement would democratize China. But, regarding China, imagine the CEO of a giant food company announcing that cereals constitute the greatest opportunity and the greatest competitive threat, then announcing that the heads of the Wheaties division, the Cheerios division, the oatmeal division and all others would be hamburger experts.

Dindo Manhit, president of think tank Stratbase-ADR Institute, echoed that sentiment, noting the US has shown its consistent engagement in the region through other channels and dialogues. “Biden also managed to attend almost half of the previous Asean summits, highlighting his active participation in these dialogues,” he said. The US and other countries continue to bolster security alliances and economic partnerships, through the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework and through bilateral, minilateral, and multilateral engagements, signalling that Southeast Asia remains a vital part of its broader Indo-Pacific strategy,” Manhit said. The US’ growing partnerships with Japan, the Philippines, and Australia reflected its commitment to upholding regional security and stability in the Indo-Pacific region towards efforts of a “robust and multifaceted engagement strategy”, he added. https://lnkd.in/gv-cuz-v

China Strategy Initiative Launch Council on Foreign Relations 24 Jun 2024 Led by Senior Fellow Rush Doshi, the China Strategy Initiative will study and debate the questions that go to the heart of U.S. China strategy. It will launch several new programs that undertake fresh analysis, provide granular policy recommendations, and convene experts from around the world. The launch event will bring senior U.S. officials and prominent American strategists together to explore U.S. policy towards China and the Indo-Pacific, debate U.S. China Strategy, and consider the implications of artificial intelligence on national security. Deputy Secretary of State Kurt Campbell will give a keynote address on sustaining U.S. strategy in the Indo-Pacific. A panel discussion featuring Elbridge Colby, Bonny Lin, Matt Pottinger, and Stephen Wertheim will debate the fundamental questions behind U.S. China strategy. Finally, a fireside chat with National Security Council (NSC) Coordinator for Intelligence and Defense Policy Maher Bitar and Senior Director for Technology and National Security Tarun Chhabra will take up AI, national security, and China policy.